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Thursday, May 31, 2012

Besaran Dapil

Isu yang paling krusial dan menentukan dalam sistem pemilu manapun, adalah besaran daerah pemilihan atau district magnitude.
Besaran daerah pemilihan menentukan jumlah kandidat yang akan duduk di parlemen mewakili  dari daerah pemilihan atau distrik tersebut. Bisa dikatakan bahwa daerah pemilihan merupakan ajang kompetisi yang paling nyata bagi partai apalagi kandidat.
Dalam sistem pemilu seperti FPTP, AV (Alternative Vote)  atau Two-Round System, besaran dapil hanya satu, artinya dari daerah pemilihan atau distrik itu hanya akan didapatkan satu pemenang saja. Pemenang itulah yang akan mewakili daerah pemilihan atau distrik tersebut di parlemen. Karena itu disebut dapil berwakil tunggal.

Pengumuman Tahapan Pemilukada Cianjur 2011 di depan gedung KPUD Cianjur
Dapil berwakil banyak adalah dapil yang memungkinkan beberapa orang mewakili daerah pemilihan atau distrik tersebut di parlemen. Dapil berwakil banyak digunakan dalam semua sistem Perwakilan Proporsional, beberapa sistem pemilu pluralitas/mayoritas seperti Block Vote dan PBV, dan sejumlah sistem lain seperti Limited Vote dan SNTV (Single Non Transferable Vote).
Daerah Pemilihan atau distrik yang besar, baik dalam jumlah kursi maupun ukuran geografis dapat menyebabkan hubungan antara kandidat yang terpilih dengan pemilihnya lemah. Pemilih tidak begitu dekat dengan wakilnya, kanidat terpilih juga tidak terlalu mengenalpemilihnya, karena luasnya wilayah yang harus dikunjungi saat reses sidang, misalnya.
Untuk dapil berwakil tunggal seperti dalam system pemilu FPTP yang digunakan oleh Thailand para Pemilu Parlemen 2011 lalu, ada baiknya juga, karena pemilih mengenal kandidat bahkan secara pribadi, sehingga ada ikatan batin di antara pemilih dan kandidat yang diusung partai.
Indonesia menggunakan sistem pemilu proporsional sehingga daerah pemilihannya berwakil banyak. Banyak pemilih yang kemudian kecewa karena wakil mereka yang sudah terpilih dan duduk di parlemen ‘melupakan’ mereka. Kandidat sendiri merasa kesulitan dalam ‘merawat’ dan ‘membina’ konstituennya, karena bisa saja diserobot oleh kandidat lain yang lebih telaten mengunjungi konstituen di wilayah tersebut.



Penulis adalah Kepala Departemen Hubungan Luar Negeri KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu. Menjadi anggota KIPP sejak 1998 dan sejak 2009 telah memantau pemilu di beberapa negara di Asia.

It’s destiny that Javanese rule Indonesia

If the political world of Indonesia ruled by Javanese it’s a normal. The number of people of the islands Java and Madura is 50% of Indonesian population. And the form of boundary constituencies determined by electoral law is according to the number of population in respective region or province.
We can see that in the Attachment of the Law no.8 year 2012 about Election of DPR, DPD and DPRD announced in May 2012. In upcoming Election 2014, out of 560 parliament member, Sumatera will be  represented by 120 members, Java 306, Bali, NTB and NTT, 32, Kalimantan 35, Sulawesi 47, Maluku and Papua 20.
It’s known since long time that the population in Java and Madura is very dense. In order to avoid the fairness of representativeness in parliament of some province due the small number of population, there is a policy that every province should have a representative in the Parliament, even though, the population is not enough to follow the formula in forming a constituency. In Election 2014, any province will be represented by minimum 3 parliament members. We can see that policy in the Article 22 Section (2) the Law no. 8/2012.
My recommendation solution from me is the other provinces should have and add many more population, if they want to have many more members in parliament.
1. Having more babies (ooopss, with this way Indonesian people will be blasted’) and minimizing the death of babies and mothers.
2. Moving some people who live in Java into other provinces. The province can call their native people who have education and have some working experience in Java or even abroad to work and develop their own hometown.
3. Inviting non native people who live in Java. To invite people, you should have something to provide. Explore your potential sources in your own provinces, that’s your “bait”.  
Indonesia is not only Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya, Jogja, Medan, and Makassar. What ex Governor of Gorontalo, Mr. Fadel Muhammad, was great. He did SWOT to find the strength of Gorontalo, and he knew it : CORN. That’s why his policies was to develop the industry of corn from the start until the end. Unfortunately, I haven’t checked the continuity of his policies after he didn’t sit as Governor again.   
Germany is a developed country, and the strength of the economy is not only in the big cities that Indonesians know so far. Berlin has special magnet to urbanization as the capital, of course. However, the other cities, even the small ones have their own magnet.
Frankfurt is the capital of finance industry. All world-wide famous financial institutions have their main representation office here. Hamburg is known as one of the busiest haven in the world, and Hamburg is known as ‚Silicon of Valley‘ of Germany. This is one of the reasons, why our ex-President, Mr. Habibie, lives in Hamburg, because it is his community as researcher and scholar on high-technology.

Manufacture of Siemens in Erlangen.
Picture : courtessy of Siemens

Who doesn’t know Siemens? The manufactures of Siemens located in small cities that never heard by Indonesians. And so do the auto manufactures like Opel and BMW. Braunschweig is a city of aircraft industry.
Germany still has urbanization, but it can be pressed to be low.  It’s almost similar, working in the small cities and in the big cities thanks to the technology and the infra structure.
Thailand has good enough infra structure compared Indonesia. In 2011, when I observed the parliamentary election there, I went through the cities and villages in 4 provinces in southern Thailand (Trang, Songkhla, Pattalung and Satun) to interview as many as possible election stakeholders and to attend the campaign. The streets are wide, long and smooth even in the villages. It makes easier for the farmers (the most occupation of southern Thais) to sell their harvest, to go to the bigger cities to entertain themselves and family. Electricity, laptop and internet is common there.    
Indonesia should provide the facilities like that, to prevent the urbanization from villages to cities, from other provinces and islands into Java island.
4. This is an extreme solution from me. Marry a Javanese or someone who live in Java island and take him or her to your own hometown.  Don’t do the opposite; it is you who move to Java island, because this island is already full of people, ha ha ha.

The author is the Head of Foreign Affairs Dept. of KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu). She is an International Election Observer in some countries in Asian Region so far, including Thailand parliamentary election, 3rd July 2011.

Monday, May 28, 2012

Orang Jawa memang sudah ditakdirkan memerintah Indonesia

Kalau peta perpolitikan Indonesia dikuasai oleh orang Jawa, ya wajar-wajar saja. Penduduk Jawa-Madura jumlahnya 50% dari jumlah penduduk Indonesia. Sedangkan pembentukan daerah pemilihan pemilu baik pemilu legislatif maupun pemilu presiden berdasarkan jumlah penduduk.
Kita bisa lihat hal tersebut dalam Lampiran UU no.8 tahun 2012 tentang Pemilihan Umum Anggota DPR, DPD dan DPRD yang baru diterbitkan bulan Mei 2012 lalu. Dalam pemilu 2014 nanti, dari total 560 orang anggota DPR, Sumatera akan diwakili oleh 120 orang, Jawa 306, Bali, NTB dan NTT, 32, Kalimantan 35, Sulawesi 47, Maluku dan Papua 20.
Sudah sejak lama populasi di pulau Jawa dan Madura padat.  Sehingga untuk menghindari ketidakterwakilan wilayah atau provinsi lain yang populasinya kecil,  sejak awal diselenggarakannya pemilu di Indonesia, dimunculkan kebijakan bahwa setiap provinsi di Indonesia harus mempunyai wakil di DPR. Meskipun populasinya kecil dan tidak mencukupi bilangan pembagi untuk pembentukan sebuah daerah pemilihan. 
Untuk pemilu 2014, setiap provinsi akan diwakili minimal oleh 3 wakil.  Hal ini bisa dilihat dalam pasal 22 ayat (2) UU no. 8/2012. Usulan solusi dari saya buat daerah: Perbanyaklah jumlah penduduk di daerah Anda masing-masing, jika ingin memiliki wakil yang lebih banyak di DPR. (Jika yang membaca artikel ini adalah orang di provinsi non pulau Jawa-Madura, ya).
1. Dengan memperbanyak jumlah kelahiran (ooopss, jumlah penduduk Indonesia akan ‘meledak’ dong) dan mengurangi jumlah kematian ibu dan bayi.
2. Dengan memindahkan sebagian orang yang berada di pulau Jawa ke daerah atau provinsi non pulau Jawa.
Panggil putra daerah yang sudah sekolah dan punya pengalaman bekerja di pulau Jawa bahkan di luar negeri untuk membangun daerah.
Undang orang-orang non putra daerah yang selama ini tinggal di pulau Jawa. Mengundang orang tentu mesti ada ‘jamuannya’ kan. Galilah potensi wilayah provinsi masing-masing. Itulah ‘perjamuan’ dan ‘jualan’ daerah Anda.
Indonesia tidak cuma Jakarta, Bandung, Surabaya, Jogja, Medan, Makasar. Apa yang sudah dilakukan mantan Gubernur Gorontalo Fadel Muhammad bagus sekali. Beliau men-SWOT daerah Gorontalo dan menemukan kekuatan Gorontalo adalah jagung. Karena itu kebijakan beliau adalah membangun industri jagung dari hulu ke hilir. Selepas beliau menjadi gubernur, saya belum sempat mengecek kelangsungan industri jagung ini.
Jerman sebagai negara maju, juga tidak menumpukan kekuatan ekonominya pada kota-kota yang selama ini dikenal di Indonesia. Berlin jelas sebagai ibukota negara memiliki daya tarik sendiri sehingga menarik urbanisasi. Tapi kota lain juga punya daya tarik dan magnet tersendiri.
Frankfurt adalah kota industri keuangan. Semua lembaga keuangan ternama di dunia dipastikan memiliki kantor perwakilan utama di kota ini.  Siapa yang menyangka bahwa Hamburg selain terkenal sebagai salah satu kota pelabuhan terbesar di dunia, juga dikenal sebagai ‚Sillicon of Valley‘-nya Jerman. Karena itulah pak Habibie, mantan presiden Indonesia bertempat tinggal di Hamburg, karena dekat dengan komunitasnya sebagai ilmuwan peneliti teknologi.
Siapa yang tidak kenal dengan Siemens? Pabrik-pabrik Siemens berada di kota kecil yang tidak terdengar oleh publik Indonesia. Dengan juga dengan pabrik-pabrik mobil semacam Opel dan BMW. Braunschweig adalah kota industri penerbangan. Urbanisasi tetap ada di Jerman, tetapi bisa ditekan. Toh, bekerja di kota kecil sama saja. Tentu saja dibarengi dengan fasilitas yang cukup sehingga gak beda-beda jauh dengan fasilitas di kota.
Saya di salah satu jalan desa di provinsi Phatthalung, Thailand Selatan, sehabis mewawancara seorang kandidat di wilayah ini. Jalanannya besar sekali, ya.

Thailand memiliki infra struktur yang cukup bagus. Ketika tahun 2011 saya memantau pemilu parlemen di sana, saya menyusuri kota-kota dan desa-desa di 4 provinsi di Thailand Selatan (Trang, Songkhla, Pattalung dan Satun) untuk mewawancarai berbagai stakeholder kepemiluan dan menghadiri kampanye. Jalanan mulus dan lebar yang bisa dilalui mobil membentang masuk ke desa-desa, memudahkan rakyat menjual hasil panen perkebunan mereka. Hiburan sekali-sekali ke kota dan menjadi tidak jauh. Listrik, komputer, laptop dan internet bukan barang aneh bagi penduduk di sana.  

Indonesia harus bisa seperti ini, untuk menekan urbanisasi dari desa ke kota, dan dari pulau lain ke pulau Jawa.  
3. Ini usulan yang paling ekstrim. Kawinilah orang pulau Jawa, lalu bawa dia ke daerah Anda. Jangan sebaliknya ya, Anda justru pindah ke pulau Jawa, menuh-menuhin pulau Jawa yang sudah sesak, he he he.  

Penulis adalah : Kepala Departemen Hubungan Luar Negeri KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu. Pemantau pemilu Internasional di beberapa negara di Asia.
Tulisan ini dimuat juga di Kompasiana.

Thursday, May 24, 2012

Reporting the result

Thailand used the manual way to report the election result and it worked well, effective and efficiently. First, after the counting in the polling centers, they used Handy Talkie to report informally the result of election to each district office. The reports and all the material equipment sent to the district zone at the same day, except the polling sites in the small islands.



Counting of ballot paper. Location : Pattalung, Electoral Zone 1. Only 5 candidates of 5 parties out of 40 parties competed here

And from the district offices, the reports went to the electoral zone or constituency offices. After they got the reports from each respective electoral zone offices, the provincial ECT can make a final result only 1-2 days after the election.

Reporting the counting result with handy talkie is informal way. The written reports are still needed to eliminate the mistakes. The counting reports were done using Excel program. The result was very complete and so quick. It included the number of voters (men and women), turn out, valid and invalid ballot papers, vote NO voters, and percentage of each category. I got the email from ECT Songkhla in the evening, one day after election 4th July. And ECT Trang finished the counting on Tuesday dawn 5th July. And the Prime Minister was elected and inaugurated in August, 1 month earlier than the schedule. Because there is no complaint and disputes on election results among the parties.

Compared with Indonesian 2009 election both legislative and presidential that used the computerized and sophisticated system for counting, with the expensive budget but the results were got just after 1 month. And there were still many disputes on seats among candidates and parties that should be solved by the Supreme Court.

Note :
  1. The author of this article is the International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, include Thailand Parliamentary Election, 3rd July 2011, acted as Long Term Observer.
  2. She is the Head of Foreign Affairs in KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu) or Independent Committee for Election Monitoring. Member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.   
  3. This article is also published in The Global Review.

Vote NO in the election

It is still possible that many voters don’t want to vote none of available parties and candidates. Thailand gives a chance for its people to vote none of the contesting parties or the candidates.     This is legal because it is facilitated by the Thai Electoral Law. The implementation: there is a special column for Vote No on the ballot paper.


The sample of ballot paper in the last parliamentary election. The box below right showed by the pink arrow is the box to sign VOTE NO. 


The campaign of Vote NO promoted by Phue Pha Din party (No. 18). They promote Vote NO, because PPD was not happy with Abhisit’s leadership especially in the case of Cambodia-Thailand’s border dispute. They utilize the option “no vote” on the ballot paper and they promote based on their belief that all politicians are corrupt and none of them deserve the people’s vote. They believed that a caretaker government should be appointed for several years while the system is ‘cleansed’ of greed and corruption.

This is paradox. The party should campaign and provoke the followers to choose it and its candidates, as party should do. But on the other hand, this party recommend, campaign and provoke people to vote NO. Two candidates from this party explained, only party can campaign something, include Vote NO.

In the temporary counting, the number of voters is just a small percentage compared the turn out of voters. It means, many Thais still trusted the election.

Indonesia had a group called ‘golongan putih (Golput)’ or ‘white group’. They were some people who denied election and did not come to polling site to cast vote. In Soeharto’s time, Golput was a forbidden group. At that time, participation in election was a mandatory. If people did not go to the polling site, especially in a big number, the military would come and interrogate them.

The current Golput in Indonesia vary from people who deny election because of political and now religious reasons, ignore and don’t care the election and the groups who confused who they vote. The number of general golput in Indonesia reached 40% of voters.     


Note :
  1. The author of this article is the International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, include Thailand Parliamentary Election, 3rd July 2011, acted as Long Term Observer.
  2. She is the Head of Foreign Affairs in KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu) or Independent Committee for Election Monitoring. Member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.   
  3. This article is also published in The Global Review.

Monday, May 21, 2012

Military and Police

In Indonesia, any religious leaders can cast a vote. However the police and the army can’t vote. In Thailand it is the opposite. The police and the army can vote, but the Buddhist leaders like monks and novices can’t vote because they have strong influence in Thailand.

The provinces I observed are safe in security term, although in 2007 Songkhla and Satun provinces were under Martial Law. This time the three districts of Songkhla, Chana, Natawee and Thepa are under ISOC (Internal Security Operation Commando, because their border meets directly with provinces borders of Yala and Pattani. Some small barracks and military camps located in Songkhla, especially in those 3 districts.


The soldiers are heading to the tents to find out their respecitive polling stations. Location : Prem Tinsulanond Stadion, Songkhla City, Songkhla Province, South Thailand.  


Although the military and the police denied that they had special security arrangement regarding the election, except deployment of some security officers in each polling site. But they constantly observe the progress day by day especially the 3 provinces of Deep South. 

The police and army vote on Advance Voting, because they should work on Election Day. In advance voting many police and army come to vote while carrying long weapon, even inside the polling sites. According to the international convention, polling sites should be clean and free from gun.

Note :
  1. The author is International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, incl. Thailand Parliamentary Election, 3rd July 2011.
  2. In Indonesia, she is the Head of Foreign Affairs Department, member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.
  3. This article is published in The Global Review, too.

Sunday, May 20, 2012

Voter registration list

Before entering polling sites, the Thai voters show the ID card to the polling site officers. The officers will check it, and take a note in the voter registration list. Here people can use their current ID card or expired or other document that issued by the Thai Government with picture and the ID number.


Voter registration list displayed in the front of head of village's house in Satun Province, South Thailand, June 2011 


Thailand does not have big problem with voter registration list because the population data is well organized and computerized thank to the system of 13 digit numbers on ID card. This number is used for identification in all documents. Some people may change their name, due to some reasons. And it is allowed by the custom and the law. However they can not change the 13 digit numbers.

The voter registration list both for advance voting and general election is displayed in the front of government building offices from province until pooyaiban (head of village) office or house a couple days before election day. People can check their names and the location of polling sites easily. And if there is a complaint such as the name is not on the list, they can go to the next sub district office to register themselves.

In Indonesia, voter registration list both temporary (DPS) and permanently (DPT) is a big problem and one of the election fraud. The accuracy of voter registration list is doubtful. KIPP Indonesia finds the number of voter is marked up improperly almost in every part in Indonesia. Many voters complained that their names were not on the list. On the other hand and it’s not secret that some names belong to the dead persons, children, teenagers, non residence, even fictitious names were on the list!

The main aim of voter registration list is actually for logistic needs such as to provide enough ballot papers. With the mark up of voter registration list, some allegedly frauds occur: the misuse of the ballot paper rest and increasing of election cost.

According to the rule, the rest of ballot papers should be put in special envelope. But if the rest of ballot paper because of the fictitious voters, which party will take the advantage? The cost of election will be increased, because for every name on the list, the Indonesian government will provide Rp 200.000,- (= USD 25) for the logistic need. How much money will be corrupted and to where does the money go?    

In legislative election 2009 and also in the other previous election, many people in Indonesia had problems to cast a vote, because their names were not on the current registration list both temporary and permanent. The effect was that they were not sent the invitation to vote. It was weird, because their names were on the list in the last election. The KPPS denied them, because they could not show the invitation before entering the polling sites. The denial was correct according to the regulation, however, millions of voters lose their political rights because of the invalid voter registration list. And after long and sharp discussions, finally KPU issued a policy that any voters in that area could cast a vote just to show their ID card, even though without the invitation.

Although the voter registration list in Thailand is already well organized, the problem still occurred, like some voters complained that their names are still on the registration list. They wanted to remove their names from advance voting registration list. They want to change, but they don’t know how to do that. ECT has already given the explanation through many brochures, for people who want to change their registration. However, many people especially in the village don’t want to read the explanation.
Note :
  1. The author is International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, incl. Thailand Parliamentary Election, 3rd July 2011. In Indonesia, she is the Head of Foreign Affairs Department, member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.
  2. This article is published in The Global Review, too.

Advance Voting

Many people have something to do and can’t come on election’s day. For example, the police and army have to work on election’s day as security officers. Teachers and some local people should serve as polling officers. Some businessmen have appointments somewhere out of the province and university students study out of the hometown. Thailand gives a chance for its people to vote in advance. The policy to handling the cases as mentioned above namely advance voting. The advance voting was held on 26th June 2011.

Advance Voting in the front of Pattalung Government office, close to the closing time. The brown car is a transportation for ballot papers and other election results from the district office into the Election Commission of Province, that locates here.

There are 2 kinds of voters who are eligible to vote in Advance Voting. First, people who come from outside of the province, but work in the province. They can vote in the current locations. They are called as non residence voters. Second, people who live and work in the province, but they should leave the province at that day, because of their own schedule. They are called residence voters.
Both of them should register in the sub district office or office districts on 13th-17th June. After the registration, they can check their name and get the invitation that mentions the date and location of the polling sites. The polling sites for non residence usually are only 1 or 2 in each province. But the polling sites for inside residence are available in each district. 
The number of voters in Advance Voting is not big, but the ECT still prepared in good manner. The preparation and the implementation were almost the same like the election’s day. Only the number of voters was small.
However, in some locations occurred some problems. Many people stuck in the queue because many voters came in the same time in the morning. The invitation did not mention the exact time, when they should or could come to the polling sites. The southern provinces people are mostly farmers and fishers. They want to vote as soon as possible and then they continue our business again, like collecting rubber or opening the shops, etc. Some voters confused with the location between non residence PS and residence PS. The other voters complained that actually they wanted to vote in general election on 3rd July, not in advance election and in their own region. Because many of them were registered in advance voting in the last referendum.
Indonesia does not have advance voting.


Note :
  1. The author is International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, incl. Thailand Parliamentary Election, July 2011. In Indonesia, she is the Head of Foreign Affairs Department, member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.
  2. This article is published in The Global Review, too.

Saturday, May 19, 2012

Constituency and party list system

In this parliamentary election, the candidates contested for 500 seats that consist of 375 seats for constituency list and 125 for party list. The seats for constituency list is similar with the number of the current constituencies, namely 375 constituencies. Or we can say that each constituency can send only 1 parliament member into the parliament.


Candidate debate forum in Satun province, South Thailand, June 2011

For constituency list candidate, one party can register only one candidate in each constituency. And for party list candidate, one party can register until the maximum 125 candidates.

The division of constituency list and party list determined the campaign of each candidate. The constituency list campaigned only in its constituency area or local. But the party list candidate could campaign nationwide.

However, the ability to campaign depends on their financial budget and how many members they have in those provinces, too. One candidate of party list I interviewed campaigned in some provinces, because he had voter basis in those regions. However, his party did not field any constituency list candidate, because they knew they could not defeated Democrat Parties candidates in that province. On the other hand, there was a rich and powerful party list candidate who could campaign in whole provinces in southern region of Thailand.

On the field, not every party was available nationwide. In this year, 40 parties contested in this parliament election. However, there were only 8 parties contested in Songkhla, 6 parties in Phatthalung, 8 parties in Satun and 7 parties in Trang. And, not all party field  candidates in all constituencies in those provinces. It is different from Indonesia, where every party should have provincial branch offices at least in 22 provinces.   

The boundary of one constituency based on the number of population in each province and divided into 125,000 people. Due to the new rule, there were some changes in constituency boundaries, especially in the provinces I observed. Songkhla changes from 3 constituencies in 2007 into 8 constituencies in 2011. Phatthalung from 1 constituency into 3 constituencies, Satun from 1 constituency into 2 constituencies and Trang from 2 into 4 constituencies.

The system of party list used in Thailand now is similar with the election system in Indonesia until 2004. At that time, the lesser the number of candidate, the bigger the possibility of his or her to be the member of parliament. Indonesian calls that as “calon jadi”. Yingluck and Abhisit were the candidates number 1 in their respective party, so they would be 99% to be member of parliament.

After the 500 members are elected, they will submit and elect  the next Thailand prime minister. This way is similar with Indonesia until 1999. The members of DPR and MPR sat down together and elected the president of Republic Indonesia. Just since 2004, the president and vice president are elected directly by Indonesian people.

Note: This article is published in The Global Review, too.


Friday, May 18, 2012

Lessons learnt from Thailand’s election - Introduction

Thailand parliamentary election was held on 3rd July 2011 and was won by Phue Thai Party. The situation on E-Day and post election in Thailand was relative quite and calm. It was good, because it was not like people predicted before. Except in some provinces like 3 Deep South provinces namely Yala, Narathiwat and Pattani.

Posing after the press conference, Bangkok 5th July, 2011
I was wearing the red shirt.

As a NGO that works on election monitoring in Indonesia,  KIPP Indonesia, short of Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu or Independent Committee for Election Monitoring, also took a part in that observation mission both as LTO and STO.  LTO or Long Term Observer worked for 40 days and STO or Short Term Observer worked for 12 days.
The mission was organized by ANFREL (Asia Network for Free Election). ANFREL deployed 48 international observers and some election experts from countries across Asia.
There are many interesting issues for comparison the election in Thailand and Indonesia. This article doesn’t always reflect the situation in Thailand nationwide, because the limited time and places I observed. I served as LTO and deployed in 4 provinces of southern Thailand, namely Songkhla, Phatthalung, Satun dan Trang.

Note :
The author is International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, incl. Thailand Parliamentary Election, July 2011. In Indonesia, I am Head of Foreign Affairs Department, member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.  
This article was also published in The Global Review.

Stakeholder Kepemiluan

Untuk mendapatkan laporan yang lengkap dan komprehensif mengenai situasi kepemiluan di sebuah negara, pemantau pemilu harus melakukan wawancara dengan para stake holder kepemiluan di wilayah atau negara tersebut untuk mendapatkan data-data yang dibutuhkan.

Selama observasi pemilu, banyak orang yang harus atau sebaiknya pemantau pemilu wawancarai. Para stake holder kepemiluan tersebut adalah :
  • Pegawai Komisi Pemilihan Umum di level provinsi hingga level lokal. Di Indonesia, misalnya pejabat KPU, KPU Provinsi dan Kabupaten, PPK (level Kecamatan), hingga PPL (Level kelurahan. 
  • Media Massa baik TV, radio, media online dsb, bahkan jika ada radio komunitas, karena mereka memahami wilayah tersebut.
  • Supir, penterjemah dan pengawal keamanan anda. Jika pemantau pemilu ditempatkan di daerah dengan bahasa yang berbeda, pemantau pemilu memerlukan penerjemah. Kita perlu mewawancarai penerjemah dan supir, karena mereka orang lokal jadi lebih memahami politik di wilayah tersebut. Pengawal disediakan kalau pemantau pemilu ditempatkan di daerah konflik atau pasca konflik.
  • Pemilih : Tentu saja, karena merekalah subyek dalam pemilu.  


Saya mewawancarai para pengemudi tuk tuk atau bajaj di kota Batticaloa, provinsi Timur, Sri Lanka.
 Seorang pria yang bertopi kuning adalah partner observer saya dari Chenai, India.

·            Pemilih pemula adalah pemilih yang pertama kali memilih. Biasanya adalah pemilih dengan usia remaja sesuai dengan batasan usia yang berhak memilih. Di Indonesia adalah usia 17 tahun atau pernah menikah (meskipun usianya di bawah 17 tahun). Pemilih pemula lainnya adalah pensiunan TNI/POLRI. Karena ketika masih aktif sebagai TNI/POLRI mereka tidak mendapatkan hak memilih.
·            Pemimpin Agama, mereka memiliki pengaruh yang kuat di masyarakat.
·            Kandidat dan partai politik, agen partai (tim sukses). Pemantau pemilu harus bersikap netral, tetapi bukan berarti menjauhi atau memusuhi kandidat atau partai politik. Pemantau pemilu perlu mewawancarai mereka untuk mendapatkan informasi mengenai strategi kampanye mereka dan hal-hal lain.
·            Pemantau pemilu lokal lainnya. Di Indonesia ada banyak organisasi pemantau pemilu. Salah satunya adalah KIPP (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu) yang tersebar di 33 provinsi di Indonesia. Pemantau pemilu di negara lain misalnya, Malaysia (Mafrel, NIEI), Thailand (Poll Watch, P-Net), Philipina (NAMFREL, IPER, PPCRV), Sri Lanka (PAFFREL, CMRV) dll.
·            Pemilih wanita. Wanita biasanya mendapatkan kesulitan atau banyak halangan dalam memberikan suara atau bentuk partisipasi lain dalam pemilu, seperti hadir dalam kampanye.
·            Aktivis dan organisasi Human Rights     
·            Polisi dan Militer
·            Dosen
·            Pekerja (buruh), Petani, nelayan
·            Penduduk dari berbagai kasta dan kelompok minoritas termasuk suku nomaden. Biasanya mereka tidak terlibat dalam pemilu, baik karena mereka tidak mau atau tidak tau atau sengaja tidak dilibatkan.
·            Guru karena biasanya mereka menjadi petugas TPS atau panitia pemilihan umum lainnya.
·            Petugas TPS)

Woww, banyak juga yah yang mesti diwawancara. Apakah waktunya cukup untuk mewawancarai mereka semua. Nah, perlu strategi supaya semuanya bisa terakomodasi dan laporan kita menjadi cukup komprehensif. Postingan berikutnya, yaaa.

Catatan :
  • Penulis adalah Ketua Divisi Hubungan Luar Negeri di Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu (KIPP) Indonesia.
  • Anggota KIPP sejak 1998 hingga hari ini. 
  • Jika ingin bekerja di rumah, silahkan klik di sini.

Wednesday, May 16, 2012

Personil keamanan untuk pemilukada DKI Jakarta 2012

Keamanan dalam pemilu atau pemilukada merupakan salah satu yang harus mendapat perhatian stakeholder pemilu. Meski Indonesia, khususnya Jakarta, termasuk aman dibanding negara-negara lain yang pernah saya pantau. 

Afghanistan misalnya dibayangi oleh akan adanya serangan Taliban di sejumlah TPS dan pemotongan jari bertinta, bagi mereka yang ikut memberikan suara.

Sri Lanka dibayangi akan muncul kelompok Tamil separatis, meski perjanjian damai sudah dirintis sejak 2003 dan bisa dikatakan sejak Mei 2009, Sri Lanka sudah aman dari konflik bersaudara.

Jakarta harus aman dalam keadaan apapun termasuk pemilukada ini, karena Jakarta adalah ibukota negara dan barometer keamanan Indonesia.

Kepala Bidang Humas Polda Metro Jaya Komisaris Besar, Rikwanto, mengumumkan strategi pengamanan pemilukada DKI Jakarta pada Jumat 11 Mei 2012.

Sebanyak 40.356 personel gabungan polisi akan diturunkan untuk mengamankan jalannya pemilihan Kepala Daerah DKI Jakarta yang akan berlangsung pada 11 Juli 2012 mendatang.

40.356 personel gabungan itu terdiri dari unsur Polda 3.303, gabungan Polres 5.899 personel, BKO TNI 700 personel, Mabes Polri 10 personel, dan Pemprov DKI berjumlah 30.444 personel

Personel mulai diterjunkan pada masa kampanye, pemilihan, penghitungan suara hingga penetapan Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur DKI Jakarta terpilih.

Untuk pemilukada DKI Jakarta 2012 ini akan ada sejumlah tempat pemilihan suara (TPS) di seluruh wilayah DKI Jakarta.
1. Jakarta Pusat 1.908 TPS,
2. Jakarta Utara 2.602 TPS,
3. Jakarta Barat 3.329 TPS,
4. Jakarta Selatan 3.168 TPS,
5. Jakarta Timur 4.153 TPS,
6. Kepulauan Seribu 44 TPS.
(Note: Catatan ini belum dikonfirmasikan ke KPU DKI Jakarta)
Strategi polisi dalam mengamankan pemilukada adalah dengan mengkategorikan TPS menjadi tiga kawasan pengamanan. Kawasan aman, kawasan rawan satu, dan kawasan rawan dua.

Yang termasuk kategori TPS rawan adalah TPS yang ditengarai akan ada sengketa yang berujung pada permusuhan dan perusakan.

Biasanya kejadian terjadi saat penghitungan suara usai atau ketika  salah seorang panitia penghitungan suara salah memberikan pernyataan sah dan tidak sah atas surat suara yang dicoblos. Seimbangnya pendukung dua atau lebih pasangan calon  di suatu kawasan juga dapat memicu sengketa.

Berdasarkan catatan pemilukada yang lalu (2007), TPS yang aman jumlahnya 1.710, TPS rawan satu berjumlah 198, dan TPS rawan dua berjumlah 18

Untuk pemilukada 2012 ini, Polda Metro Jaya akan menyesuaikan dengan perkembangan situasi.  Dengan mengambil asumsi lima tahun lalu, misalnya di TPS Senen merupakan kawasan rawan, bisa jadi pada saat Pilkada sekarang sudah tidak rawan. Jadi bergeser situasinya dan tidak selalu TPS yang dulu rawan ditetapkan menjadi TPS rawan.

Mudah-mudahan pemilukada DKI Jakarta tidak ricuh, sebagaimana tahun-tahun sebelumnya. Kesiapan penyelenggara pemilu, pihak keamanan, dan tentu saja rakyat pemilih akan menjadi penentu keamanan tersebut.



Penulis adalah anggota KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu) sejak 1998. Sejak 2009 menjadi pemantau pemilu internasional di beberapa negara di Asia.


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Tuesday, May 15, 2012

Nomor Urut Pasangan Calon Gubernur DKI Jakarta 2012

Pemilukada DKI Jakarta akan diselenggarakan hari Rabu 11 Juli 2012, jam 7.00 - 13.00. Sesuai jadwal, penarikan nomor urut pasangan calon dilakukan Sabtu, 12 Mei 2012, di Hotel Sultan  (dulu Hotel Hilton). Semua pasangan calon datang demikian pula dengan para supporternya.



Ada 6 pasangan calon yang akan berkompetisi dalam Pemilihan Kepala Daerah atau Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur tersebut. Mereka adalah

1.Fauzi Bowo dan Nachrowi Ramli pasangan calon dari Partai Demokrat.

2.Hendardji Supandji dan Achmad Riza Patria pasangan calon dari jalur independen
3. Joko Widodo dan Basuki Tjahaja Purnama pasangan calon dari PDIP dan Gerindra.


4.Hidayat Nurwahid dan Didik J Rachbini pasangan calon dari PKS dan PAN.


5.Faisal Basri dan Biem Benyamin pasangan calon dari jalur independen


6.Alex Nurdin dan Nono Sampono pasangan calon dari Golkar, PPP, dan PDS.


Nomor urut di atas merupakan nomor resmi, nama resmi, foto resmi yang digunakan untuk semua media sosialisasi kampanye, dan surat suara yang dicetak oleh Pemerintah Provinsi DKI Jakarta.

Para pasangan calon menggunakan nomor urut tersebut untuk berkampanye, mensosialisasikan kepada masyarakat dan juga ada untuk keperluan surat suara.


Penulis adalah anggota KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu) sejak 1998.



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