Election Commission of Pakistan

Election Commission of Pakistan

For the purpose of elections to both Houses of Parliament, Provincial Assemblies and for election of such other public offices as may be specified by law or until such law is made by the Parliament by Order of the President, a permanent Election Commission is constituted by the President comprising the Chief Election Commissioner as its Chairman and 4 Members, each of whom is a Judge of High Court, appointed by the President after consultation with the Chief Justice of High Court concerned and with the Chief Election Commissioner.  

Sebuah Lembaga Penyelenggara Pemilu (ECP) dibentuk oleh Presiden terdiri dari 1 Ketua dan 4 anggota. Setiap anggota merupakan Hakim Pengadilan Tinggi dari setiap provinsi, ditunjuk oleh presiden setelah berkonsultasi dengan Ketua Pengadilan Tinggi dan dengan ketua EC. ECP bertugas untuk menyelenggarakan pemilu untuk kedua lembaga parlemen nasional dan parlemen dan badan publik lainnya sebagaimana yang ditentukan oleh undang-undang atau sampai adanya undang-undang yang dibuat oleh Parlemen atau Perintah Presiden.

Duties of Election Commission

The Election Commission constituted in relation to an election has been charged with the duty to organize and conduct the election an to make such arrangements as are necessary to ensure that the election is conducted honestly, justly, fairly and in accordance with law and that corrupt practices are guarded against. 
ECP dibentuk untuk dalam hubungan dengan pemilu memiliki tugas untuk mengorganisasi dan melaksanakan pemilu dan membuat sejumlah pengaturan yang diperlukan untuk menjamin bahwa pemilu dilaksanakan secara jujur, adil, sesuai dengan undang-undang dan mencegah tindakan-tindakan yang merusak pemilu.   

Chief Election Commissioner

The Chief Election Commissioner is appointed by the President, in his discretion, for a term of 3 years. A person who is or has been, a Judge of Supreme Court or is, or has been a Judge of a High Court and is qualified to be appointed as a Judge of the Supreme Court of Pakistan is appointed as Chief Election Commissioner. The Chief Election Commissioner enjoys security of tenure and financial autonomy.
It is the responsibility of the Chief Election Commissioner to hold and make arrangements for the Senate elections in accordance with the system of proportional representation by means of a single transferable vote through electoral colleges.

Ketua ECP ditunjuk oleh Presiden dan bertugas selama 3 tahun. Ketua ECP adalah atau pernah menjadi seorang Hakim Pengadilan Tinggi dan berkualifikasi sebagai hakim Mahkamah Agung Pakistan ditunjuk sebagai Ketua ECP. Ketua ECP merupakan jabatan tetap dan mendapatkan otonomi finansial.  
Tanggung jawab ketua ECP adalah untuk melaksanakan pemilu Senat sesuai dengan system perwakilan proporsional khususnya system single transferable vote.      

Duties of the Chief Election Commissioner

Under the Constitution, the Chief Election Commissioner has been charged with the duty of -

a)    preparing electoral rolls for election to the National Assembly, Provincial Assemblies and Local Government Institutions. It is also the duty of the Chief Election Commissioner to revise such rolls annually;

b)    organizing and conducting election to the Senate or to fill casual vacancies in a House or a Provincial Assembly; and

c)    appointing Election Tribunals; and

d)  conduct of Local Government Elections. 

Tugas Ketua ECP
Berdasarkan UUD, Ketua ECP bertugas untuk 
1. Mempersiapkan daftar pemilih untuk pemilih the National Assembly, Provincial Assemblies and Local Government Institutions. Juga  merevisi setiap tahun daftar pemilih tersebut.
2. Mengorganisasi dan melaksanakan pemilu Senat dan mengisi kursi yang kosong dalam Parlemen atau Senat dan parlemen provinsi.
3. Menunjuk Pengadilan Pemilu
4. Melaksanakan pemilu pemerintah lokal

Code of Conduct for Observers - Pakistan 2013

ELECTION COMMISSION OF PAKISTAN

NOTIFICATION

Islamabad the 7th March, 2013

No. F.2(10)/2013-Cord(1) – In exercise of the powers conferred upon it under Article 218(3) of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan read with Section 104 of the Representation of the People Act, 1976 and all other powers enabling it in that behalf, the Election Commission of Pakistan is pleased to issue the Code of Conduct for Observers for the General Elections, 2013 and subsequent by-elections:

1. Every person who participates in election observation individually or as a member of local group/organization or International Election Observation Mission must read and understand this Code of Conduct and shall sign a pledge annexed to this Code.

2. Observers shall respect the sovereignty of Pakistan as well as the fundamental rights and freedom of its people.

3. Observers shall adhere to the laws of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and respect the authority of the Election Commission and its election officials.

4. Observers shall follow instructions issued from the Election Commission and State authorities including security officials and maintain a respectful attitude towards them.

5. Strict political impartiality shall be maintained by Observers at all times during election process. They shall not exhibit any bias or preference with regard to national authorities, political parties and candidates as well as any issue related to the process of elections.

6. Observers shall not conduct or participate in any activity that may generate an impression of favoring or opposing any political party or a candidate.  

7. The Observer will have right to ask any question and to clear any query but they will not obstruct directly or indirectly in any pre-election, election and post election process.

8. Observers shall display their official identification badges, issued by the Election Commission of Pakistan, at all times and shall present it to electoral officials and other national authorities when requested.

My accreditation card as international observer in General Election of Sri Lanka April 2010

9. Observers shall ensure that all their observations are impartial, objective and depict the highest standards of accuracy.

10. Individual Observer shall not make any personal comments about his/her observation or conclusion on the election process to the media. Observation Organizations or groups should ensure that only their authorized persons give comment about the election process.

11. Observer Organizations may share their findings, methodology and recommendations with the Election Commission of Pakistan.

12. Observers shall maintain proper personal behavior and respect others, including exhibiting sensitivity for culture and customs of the country and observe the highest level of professional conduct at all times.

13. All organizations requesting accreditation from the Election Commission of Pakistan shall be responsible for education and training of their individual observers in electoral laws and procedures, including this Code.

14. The Observers intending to visit Pakistan shall submit their visa applications well in time, according to the rules laid down by relevant authorities of the Government of Pakistan. No observer shall stay in Pakistan beyond the duration of granted visa. 

15. Observers shall comply with advisories that may be issued by the Government or security agencies to ensure their safety during their stay in Pakistan.

16. In case of violation of this Code of Conduct, the Election Commission of Pakistan reserves the right to withdraw observer accreditation of an individual Observer or an Observer Mission. The authority to determine the violation also rests with the Election Commission of Pakistan. 

By order of the Election Commission of Pakistan,

(Syed Sher Afgan)

Director General (Elections)

Kereligiusan sebagai salah satu syarat menjadi caleg

“Are you religious enough to contest elections?” adalah sebuah artikel di Deutsche Welle (05/04/2013) yang menarik perhatian saya. Dalam artikel tersebut, disebutkan bahwa Musharraf, mantan presiden Pakistan, dilarang untuk menjadi kandidat atau caleg dalam pemilu Pakistan 11 Mei mendatang. Berdasarkan UU Dasar Pakistan pasal 62 dan 63,  salah satu syarat untuk menjadi caleg atau kandidat Presiden adalah orang yang saleh dan mematuhi hukum Islam.

Di beberapa tempat di Indonesia juga ada persyaratan kereligiusan serupa. Misalnya kandidat diuji kemampuannya membaca Al-Qur’an. Hal ini menjadi pertanyaan kita bersama,  

1. Perlu tidak ya memasukkan nilai-nilai keagamaan sebagai salah satu syarat kepada para caleg yang akan maju berkompetisi dalam pemilu atau pemilukada?

2. Kalau ya, bagaimana cara mengukur kereligiusan seseorang?

3. Ukuran religiusnya, pakai agama apa? Sekte apa? Aliran apa? Mazhab apa? 

4. Kalau yang mengukur atau mengetesnya adalah, katakanlah penyelenggara pemilu, perlukah yang mengetesnya ini mendapat sertifikat khusus atau pertanyaannya suka-suka yang nanya, atau mereka sudah buat semacam daftar pertanyaan? Atau haruskah si penanya atau pewawancara adalah orang-orang dari lembaga keagamaan si caleg tersebut?

Catatan (bukan) si Boy, tapi si Girl : Pertanyaan lainnya menyusul, kalau saya kepikiran pertanyaan berikutnya. Yang mau membuat pertanyaan terkait tema ini, boleh juga menuliskan pertanyaan..... tapi dilarang mencerca atau mengecam, karena tema ini sungguh serius dan perlu dibahas. Kita biasakan berdiskusi dengan sehat. 

Political Parties in Pakistan

In upcoming Pakistan general election, there are many running political parties. Here is a synopsis of political parties from Ali Daniyal Jaffery, a blogger from Pakistan, on 9, Jan 2012. His synopsis here is his own opinion. 

PPP

A left wing, liberal party with no clear political, social or economic agenda. Party shows little values other than money-making  through corruption, as most of the people say. Most of the members of this party employ fiery language and strange set of moral and ethical values. It sure has a reasonably large fan base called Jayalas. Leadership is one with maneuvering talents and is usually ready to exploit its fan base for personal gains. Economic crisis grips the country each time they make it to the saddle. The original family who formed the party only exist in pictures, and some have formed another faction of PPP

PML(N)

A right wing party with a more liberal leadership then usually portrayed. This party has quite a few smart peoples but ironically their skills and experience are rarely utilized. The party leadership is not as sharp as their rivals’ but follow a certain ethical and moral values and humbleness. Moreover, they dwell in their past glories more than focusing on the present and so lack clear direction and vision of the future. Their style of engaging in corruption is a little eccentric and rather indirect. Their fan base is an as huge as PPP’s which may in one way be positive that only sensible people join the party. Who knows!

PTI

Can’t tell if they are right wing or left wing, rather it’s a no-wing party or perhaps winged only to be able to fly up to the power. It’s currently the establishment’s darling. Leadership is arrogant and believe themselves to be all, know all, with invisible, magical solutions for almost every social, political and economic issue. Their current activities only involve mud-slinging on others and chanting slogans of change. They have a large and mostly blind fan base.

JI

A purely right wing party with large numbers of scholar from a particular group. Lacks youth in their fan base. They are still unaware as to how to use Media to promote a positive culture about them.  Current leadership is not ready to take on tough questions. Have a good management and organization. Discussion and opinion sharing is common amongst the group members. They have the capability to create a unified vision. Don’t use media very effectively.

ANP

A left wing liberal party which has immensely gone corrupt lately. It shows political skills more often than not. Bad governance and corruption is rampant in their rule. Have strayed away from their parent ideology. Are usually involved in the pettiest of the issues and have never tried to become a national party. Have restricted entries on the bases of ethnicity and cultural background

MQM

Another no-wing party. One day as they protest for Aafia Siddiqui’s release, the very next day they start supporting friendship with the US. Ironically, their top leadership seems to be relying less on their mental faculties these days. Their identity is usually associated with violence, vandalism and destruction. Their philosophy is to mostly use ethnic background as up bearer of their identity. MQM includes many people from middle class, but are blamed for being engaged in corruption and criminal activities, and  are used by the establishment for their purpose and benefit time again.

Source : http://blogs.thenews.com.pk/blogs/2012/01/political-synopsis-by-a-common-man/

Menyambut Pemilu Pakistan 11 Mei 2013

Pendahuluan

Pemilu nasional Pakistan 2013 merupakan pemilu yang memberikan kesempatan kepada Pakistan untuk melanjutkan momentum mereformasi dan memajukan transisi demokrasinya. Pemilu tersebut akan menjadi penyeimbang dan menjadi yang pertama sejak tahun 1977 untuk melihat pemerintahan yang terpilih secara demokratis memenuhi masa tugasnya sesuai UU. Pemilu ini juga akan menandai untuk pertama kalinya sejarah nasional bahwa transfer pemerintahan sipil melalui proses demokratis.   

Ada beberapa perkembangan positif tentu saja. Adopsi amandemen konstitusi ke-18, ke-19 dan ke-20 telah memperkuat peran lembaga parlemen,  membentuk kerangka konsultatif dalam memilih ketua Election Commissioner dan Caretaker Prime Minister, menambah kemandirian dan transparansi  Election Commission of Pakistan (ECP).

Sebagai tambahan, partai-partai politik bekerja sama satu sama lain dalam sikap dan hubungan yang jarang ditemukan sebelumnya. Mereka sudah mencapai kesepakatan dalam memilih ketua Election Commissioner dan melibatkan konsultasi dengan lembaga penyelenggara pemilu dalam mengadopsi peraturan kepemiluan. Partai politik yang besar juga berkolaborasi untuk membawa Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) menjadi mainstream kehidupan politik nasional. Sebuah langkah menuju ke arah tersebut diambil ketika presiden menandatangani  sebuah “executive order” yang memperluas gerakan partai politik di dalam wilayah kesukuan tersebut.

Bersamaan dengan itu, reformasi ini membawa optimisme yang penuh kehati-hatian di antara banyak aktor partai politik bahwa kemajuan akan adanya pemerintahan yang demokratis akan berlanjut. Seperti yang dikatakan oleh seorang aktivis politik kepada delegasi ini, bagi banyak orang Pakistan, “ini untuk pertama kalinya ada harapan dalam sebuah pemilu di Pakistan.”

Namun, tantangan serius tetap ada dan jika tidak diselesaikan, dapat membuat kerja demokrasi keluar jalur dari momentum reformasi dan berimplikasi pada integritas pemilu. Kekerasan politik meningkat dan mengancam sejumlah partai politik sejak pembukaan masa kampanye di beberapa tempat di Pakistan. Isu penting lainnya adalah rendahnya tingkat partisipasi wanita. Pada by-elections yang diselenggarakan pada awal tahun ini, banyak wanita di berbagai bagian Pakistan ditolak hak politiknya untuk memberikan suara, kadang-kadang sebagai akibat dari kolusi antara pemimpin politik lokal dan petugas penyelenggara pemilu, dan para wanita juga tidak terwakili dan rendah sekali jumlahnya dalam Daftar pemilih nasional. Lebih jauh lagi, pertanyaan-pertanyaan tentang imparsilitas staf penyelenggara pemilu lokal, problem potensial dengan daftar pemilih, dan lamanya penundaan mengenai perselisihan hasil pemilu dapat meningkatkan pertanyaan mengenai keadilan dalam pemilu.

Sebuah karakteristik yang mendefinisikan pemilu yang akan datang adalah pemilu akan dilaksanakan, adalah tingginya jumlah anak muda  di Pakistan, sesuatu yang berlum pernah dialami sebelumnya. Hampir separuh dari jumlah pemilih yang terdaftar yaitu 85 juta berada di usia 35, sebuah persentase yang signifikan untuk sebuah elektorat adalah di mana pemilihnya adalah orang-orang yang pemilihnya merupakan pemilih pemula. Angkatan muda ini mewakili tantangan sebuah pemerintahan, partai politik dan masyarakat sipil karena merupakan kelanjutan dari sebuah pemerintahan demokratis tergantung pada keterlibatan generasi muda pada proses politik.

Pemilu mendatang akan menentukan arah Negara Pakistan di tahun-tahun mendatang. Ini merupakan suatu keharusan bahwa sebuah pemerintahan yang terpilih memiliki legitimasi yang datang karena terpilih melalui proses pemilu yang kredibel. Delegasi berharap bahwa rekomendasi ini dan usaha bagi komunitas internasional akan membantu Pakistan memenuhi tujuan tersebut.  

Sumber : NDI STATEMENT OF THE NDI PRE-ELECTION DELEGATION 

TO PAKISTAN, Islamabad, December 21, 2012

Four Surprising Elements in the movie 'NO'

Here are four surprising elements of that were left out or glossed over in the film version:

1. The guy who came up with the No campaign wasn't an outsider:

In the movie, the slogan the No campaign dreamt up -- La alegría ya viene ("Joy is coming") -- is ripped straight from the actual commercials the campaign ran. But the heads of the campaign didn't bring in a random local ad man to do it. Instead, American consultants helped the Chileans run focus groups, and they found a happy message resonated better than one centered on Pinochet's human rights violations.

Frank Greer, head of the political communications firm GMMB, traveled to Chile at least six times in 1987 and 1988.

"We received assistance from the Soros Foundation to hire a group of people who went to Chile to make focus groups. They proved that if you want to win, it's necessary to have a moderate message. And of course, we have some people to the far left who say, well, I don't agree with this, so they were put out of the coalition," Arriagada said.

Vote "Yes," and Pinochet would stay in power for another eight-year term;
vote "No," and the country would hold free elections.

2. The opposition parties were arch-rivals that had to learn to agree:

Arriagada and his colleagues worked for years to bridge differences between 17 different groups who all had visions for what Chile should be after Pinochet. Some wanted Pinochet supporters punished, but the No campaign organizers knew they could never win unless they assured regime backers of their safety after Pinochet's fall.

"Pinochet had the support of the upper class and business community. Our conviction was that if we ... put in jail or in exile the people of Pinochet, that will be the end of the country. It was necessary to have room for everybody," he said.

"This was a matter of creating tolerance between former enemies. About building a country in which you can have a place. Even if you are coming from Pinochet or other parties, we are trying to build a fatherland for all. But that moderation was not discovered in the last 30 days, or even the last year. It was a long, long road that took at least 10 years."

Some parties even suggested abstaining from the plebiscite entirely, thinking that would be the best way to signal their belief that Pinochet's government was illegitimate.

"But my recommendation in any place is that you should go to an election, even if you are defeated, you must participate," Arriagada said.

3. The ad wasn't the most important part:

Before voting day on Oct. 5, 1988, the No coalition led a massive grassroots effort to register 92 percent of the electorate -- a registration drive that both Wollack and Arriagada said was a turning point.

"Pinochet who had the support of all of the army and the support of the business community. We had the students, we had human rights, we had a very well-structured political parties, and we had the people in the streets in order," Arriagada said.

4. Chileans didn't know right away who won:

Pinochet's camp had plans to incite rioting and disorder should the "No" camp win, according to a Defense Intelligence Agency document, and President Reagan had tried to prevent that possibility, warning Chilean police to uphold the results.

"President Pinochet should also be informed that nothing could so permanently destroy his reputation in Chile and the world than for him to authorize or permit extreme violent and illicit steps which make a mockery of his solemn promise to conduct a free and fair plebiscite,"the American talking points read.

The plebiscite was monitored extremely closely, with vote counters at each of the more than 10,000 polling stations. When it became obvious to Pinochet's supporters that the opposition had won, at around 7:30 that evening, the government hesitated to release the results and instead began airing cartoons on the state broadcast channels. At first, there were fears that Pinochet would not honor the results.

"And in that moment, there was a very deep split in the regime - some who wanted to recognize the defeat, and some who wanted not to recognize it," Arriagada said. Pinochet tried forcing the military to give him "extraordinary powers" to cancel the vote, but top generals refused

"At midnight, the military generals appeared on TV, and they said, they are defeated," Arriagada said. "I will say that of course we were extremely happy with this, but at the same time, it was the beginning of something that was completely unknown."

http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/4-things-the-movie-no-left-out-about-real-life-chile/274491/

The Movie 'NO'

Pablo Larraín's recent film borrowed from the actual effort to depose Pinochet, but reality was far messier than a catchy ad campaign.

Actor Gael Garcia Bernal of Chile's Oscar entry "No" answers questions during the Foreign Language Film photo opportunity for the 85th Academy Awards in Hollywood, California, on February 22, 2013. (Reuters)

 It's been quite the year for historical half-truths in movies: First Argo inflamed debate about the actual Iranian hostage crisis. Then, Zero Dark Thirty was accused of glorifying torture's role in capturing terrorists. And now, some Chileans are wondering why a new arthouse film makes it seem as though their country was liberated thanks to a modified soda-pop jingle.

In the new film NO, the rule of Augusto Pinochet ends after Chile's voters get inspired by a peppy ad campaign designed by a skateboarding, politically agnostic ad executive named Rene, played by Mexican actor Gael Garcia Bernal.

To the tune of a catchy theme song, Rene's ads promise Chileans a brighter, happier future without Pinochet (and apparently one filled with horse-riding couples and sexy dancers). Voters take him up on it, showing up at the polls in droves and deposing the dictator with a 56 percent "No" vote in the 1988 plebiscite.

The movie was shot with a retro camera to give the appearance of authenticity and even included period footage of Pinochet and the ads themselves.

But in reality, the struggle to depose Pinochet and return Chile to democratic governance was a decades-long slog in which dozens of opposition leaders toiled to register voters, hammered out a platform, and persuaded bitter enemies to work together.

Of course, NO is just realistic fiction. The film is loosely based on a play called The Plebiscite, by Chilean writer Antonio Skármeta. NO's director, Pablo Larraín, described the film in aNew York Times interview as "a strange balance between documentary and fiction," and said that "the way things happen in the movie is not exactly the way they were, but the facts are the same."

The movie is something of a love letter to democracy -- it's produced in part by Participant Media, the same movie house behind other social-action flicks like Waiting for Superman and Food, Inc. And the movie plot does adhere to a few realities. Chile's landmark 1988 plebiscite was a referendum in which citizens were given a choice over whether to end the dictatorship for the first time since the 1973 coup.

Vote "Yes," and Pinochet would stay in power for another eight-year term; vote "No," and the country would hold free elections.

Augusto Pinochet. (Reuters)

Pinochet was one of the continent's most brutal rulers: His government "disappeared" about 3,000 of his political opponents, arrested more than 30,000, and cast away more than 200,000 others to live in exile.

But after 16 years of living without democracy, it was surprisingly hard to convince Chileans to pick another alternative. Rival anti-Pinochet parties had been feuding for years about whether a potential future new government would be pro-Western or Marxist. Many citizens were afraid to vote altogether, thinking it might cause them to be targeted, and some doubted the idea that Pinochet would honor the results of the vote.

In the weeks leading up to the vote, each side -- Yes" and "No" -- was given 15 minutes of TV advertising time each night. The pro-Pinochet side alternated between cloying propaganda and foreboding images warning of an apocalyptic post-Pinochet future. Meanwhile, the campaign led by a coalition of opposition parties -- the "No" -- did in fact concoct a positive, joyful ad campaign, and Chileans did, for a number of reasons, overwhelmingly vote down Pinochet. 

"But what led up to that last 30 days was only the last snapshot of a very long struggle," said Ken Wollack, head of the National Democratic Institute, which helped to set up election monitoring during the plebiscite.

However there are four surprising elements of that were left out or glossed over in the film version.

Source : http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/03/4-things-the-movie-no-left-out-about-real-life-chile/274491/