Reporting the result

Thailand used the manual way to report the election result and it worked well, effective and efficiently. First, after the counting in the polling centers, they used Handy Talkie to report informally the result of election to each district office. The reports and all the material equipment sent to the district zone at the same day, except the polling sites in the small islands.



Counting of ballot paper. Location : Pattalung, Electoral Zone 1. Only 5 candidates of 5 parties out of 40 parties competed here



And from the district offices, the reports went to the electoral zone or constituency offices. After they got the reports from each respective electoral zone offices, the provincial ECT can make a final result only 1-2 days after the election.

Reporting the counting result with handy talkie is informal way. The written reports are still needed to eliminate the mistakes. The counting reports were done using Excel program. The result was very complete and so quick. It included the number of voters (men and women), turn out, valid and invalid ballot papers, vote NO voters, and percentage of each category. I got the email from ECT Songkhla in the evening, one day after election 4^th July. And ECT Trang finished the counting on Tuesday dawn 5^th July. And the Prime Minister was elected and inaugurated in August, 1 month earlier than the schedule. Because there is no complaint and disputes on election results among the parties.

Compared with Indonesian 2009 election both legislative and presidential that used the computerized and sophisticated system for counting, with the expensive budget but the results were got just after 1 month. And there were still many disputes on seats among candidates and parties that should be solved by the Supreme Court.

Note :

1. The author of this article is the International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, include Thailand Parliamentary Election, 3rd July 2011, acted as Long Term Observer.
2. She is the Head of Foreign Affairs in KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu) or Independent Committee for Election Monitoring. Member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.   
3. This article is also published in The Global Review.

Vote NO in the election

It is still possible that many voters don’t want to vote none of available parties and candidates. Thailand gives a chance for its people to vote none of the contesting parties or the candidates.     This is legal because it is facilitated by the Thai Electoral Law. The implementation: there is a special column for Vote No on the ballot paper.



The sample of ballot paper in the last parliamentary election. The box below right showed by the pink arrow is the box to sign VOTE NO. 



The campaign of Vote NO promoted by Phue Pha Din party (No. 18). They promote Vote NO, because PPD was not happy with Abhisit’s leadership especially in the case of Cambodia-Thailand’s border dispute. They utilize the option “no vote” on the ballot paper and they promote based on their belief that all politicians are corrupt and none of them deserve the people’s vote. They believed that a caretaker government should be appointed for several years while the system is ‘cleansed’ of greed and corruption.

This is paradox. The party should campaign and provoke the followers to choose it and its candidates, as party should do. But on the other hand, this party recommend, campaign and provoke people to vote NO. Two candidates from this party explained, only party can campaign something, include Vote NO.

In the temporary counting, the number of voters is just a small percentage compared the turn out of voters. It means, many Thais still trusted the election.

Indonesia had a group called ‘golongan putih (Golput)’ or ‘white group’. They were some people who denied election and did not come to polling site to cast vote. In Soeharto’s time, Golput was a forbidden group. At that time, participation in election was a mandatory. If people did not go to the polling site, especially in a big number, the military would come and interrogate them.

The current Golput in Indonesia vary from people who deny election because of political and now religious reasons, ignore and don’t care the election and the groups who confused who they vote. The number of general golput in Indonesia reached 40% of voters.     

Note :

1. The author of this article is the International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, include Thailand Parliamentary Election, 3rd July 2011, acted as Long Term Observer.
2. She is the Head of Foreign Affairs in KIPP Indonesia (Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu) or Independent Committee for Election Monitoring. Member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.   
3. This article is also published in The Global Review.

Military and Police

In Indonesia, any religious leaders can cast a vote. However the police and the army can’t vote. In Thailand it is the opposite. The police and the army can vote, but the Buddhist leaders like monks and novices can’t vote because they have strong influence in Thailand.

The provinces I observed are safe in security term, although in 2007 Songkhla and Satun provinces were under Martial Law. This time the three districts of Songkhla, Chana, Natawee and Thepa are under ISOC (Internal Security Operation Commando, because their border meets directly with provinces borders of Yala and Pattani. Some small barracks and military camps located in Songkhla, especially in those 3 districts.



The soldiers are heading to the tents to find out their respecitive polling stations. Location : Prem Tinsulanond Stadion, Songkhla City, Songkhla Province, South Thailand.  



Although the military and the police denied that they had special security arrangement regarding the election, except deployment of some security officers in each polling site. But they constantly observe the progress day by day especially the 3 provinces of Deep South. 

The police and army vote on Advance Voting, because they should work on Election Day. In advance voting many police and army come to vote while carrying long weapon, even inside the polling sites. According to the international convention, polling sites should be clean and free from gun.

Note :

1. The author is International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, incl. Thailand Parliamentary Election, 3rd July 2011.
2. In Indonesia, she is the Head of Foreign Affairs Department, member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.
3. This article is published in The Global Review, too.

Voter registration list

Before entering polling sites, the Thai voters show the ID card to the polling site officers. The officers will check it, and take a note in the voter registration list. Here people can use their current ID card or expired or other document that issued by the Thai Government with picture and the ID number.



Voter registration list displayed in the front of head of village's house in Satun Province, South Thailand, June 2011 



Thailand does not have big problem with voter registration list because the population data is well organized and computerized thank to the system of 13 digit numbers on ID card. This number is used for identification in all documents. Some people may change their name, due to some reasons. And it is allowed by the custom and the law. However they can not change the 13 digit numbers.

The voter registration list both for advance voting and general election is displayed in the front of government building offices from province until pooyaiban (head of village) office or house a couple days before election day. People can check their names and the location of polling sites easily. And if there is a complaint such as the name is not on the list, they can go to the next sub district office to register themselves.

In Indonesia, voter registration list both temporary (DPS) and permanently (DPT) is a big problem and one of the election fraud. The accuracy of voter registration list is doubtful. KIPP Indonesia finds the number of voter is marked up improperly almost in every part in Indonesia. Many voters complained that their names were not on the list. On the other hand and it’s not secret that some names belong to the dead persons, children, teenagers, non residence, even fictitious names were on the list!

The main aim of voter registration list is actually for logistic needs such as to provide enough ballot papers. With the mark up of voter registration list, some allegedly frauds occur: the misuse of the ballot paper rest and increasing of election cost.

According to the rule, the rest of ballot papers should be put in special envelope. But if the rest of ballot paper because of the fictitious voters, which party will take the advantage? The cost of election will be increased, because for every name on the list, the Indonesian government will provide Rp 200.000,- (= USD 25) for the logistic need. How much money will be corrupted and to where does the money go?    

In legislative election 2009 and also in the other previous election, many people in Indonesia had problems to cast a vote, because their names were not on the current registration list both temporary and permanent. The effect was that they were not sent the invitation to vote. It was weird, because their names were on the list in the last election. The KPPS denied them, because they could not show the invitation before entering the polling sites. The denial was correct according to the regulation, however, millions of voters lose their political rights because of the invalid voter registration list. And after long and sharp discussions, finally KPU issued a policy that any voters in that area could cast a vote just to show their ID card, even though without the invitation.

Although the voter registration list in Thailand is already well organized, the problem still occurred, like some voters complained that their names are still on the registration list. They wanted to remove their names from advance voting registration list. They want to change, but they don’t know how to do that. ECT has already given the explanation through many brochures, for people who want to change their registration. However, many people especially in the village don’t want to read the explanation.

Note :

1. The author is International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, incl. Thailand Parliamentary Election, 3rd July 2011. In Indonesia, she is the Head of Foreign Affairs Department, member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.
2. This article is published in The Global Review, too.

Advance Voting

Many people have something to do and can’t come on election’s day. For example, the police and army have to work on election’s day as security officers. Teachers and some local people should serve as polling officers. Some businessmen have appointments somewhere out of the province and university students study out of the hometown. Thailand gives a chance for its people to vote in advance. The policy to handling the cases as mentioned above namely advance voting. The advance voting was held on 26^th June 2011.



Advance Voting in the front of Pattalung Government office, close to the closing time. The brown car is a transportation for ballot papers and other election results from the district office into the Election Commission of Province, that locates here.



There are 2 kinds of voters who are eligible to vote in Advance Voting. First, people who come from outside of the province, but work in the province. They can vote in the current locations. They are called as non residence voters. Second, people who live and work in the province, but they should leave the province at that day, because of their own schedule. They are called residence voters.

Both of them should register in the sub district office or office districts on 13^th-17^th June. After the registration, they can check their name and get the invitation that mentions the date and location of the polling sites. The polling sites for non residence usually are only 1 or 2 in each province. But the polling sites for inside residence are available in each district. 

The number of voters in Advance Voting is not big, but the ECT still prepared in good manner. The preparation and the implementation were almost the same like the election’s day. Only the number of voters was small.

However, in some locations occurred some problems. Many people stuck in the queue because many voters came in the same time in the morning. The invitation did not mention the exact time, when they should or could come to the polling sites. The southern provinces people are mostly farmers and fishers. They want to vote as soon as possible and then they continue our business again, like collecting rubber or opening the shops, etc. Some voters confused with the location between non residence PS and residence PS. The other voters complained that actually they wanted to vote in general election on 3^rd July, not in advance election and in their own region. Because many of them were registered in advance voting in the last referendum.

Indonesia does not have advance voting.

Note :

1. The author is International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, incl. Thailand Parliamentary Election, July 2011. In Indonesia, she is the Head of Foreign Affairs Department, member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.
2. This article is published in The Global Review, too.

Constituency and party list system

In this parliamentary election, the candidates contested for 500 seats that consist of 375 seats for constituency list and 125 for party list. The seats for constituency list is similar with the number of the current constituencies, namely 375 constituencies. Or we can say that each constituency can send only 1 parliament member into the parliament.

Candidate debate forum in Satun province, South Thailand, June 2011

For constituency list candidate, one party can register only one candidate in each constituency. And for party list candidate, one party can register until the maximum 125 candidates.

The division of constituency list and party list determined the campaign of each candidate. The constituency list campaigned only in its constituency area or local. But the party list candidate could campaign nationwide.

However, the ability to campaign depends on their financial budget and how many members they have in those provinces, too. One candidate of party list I interviewed campaigned in some provinces, because he had voter basis in those regions. However, his party did not field any constituency list candidate, because they knew they could not defeated Democrat Parties candidates in that province. On the other hand, there was a rich and powerful party list candidate who could campaign in whole provinces in southern region of Thailand.

On the field, not every party was available nationwide. In this year, 40 parties contested in this parliament election. However, there were only 8 parties contested in Songkhla, 6 parties in Phatthalung, 8 parties in Satun and 7 parties in Trang. And, not all party field  candidates in all constituencies in those provinces. It is different from Indonesia, where every party should have provincial branch offices at least in 22 provinces.   

The boundary of one constituency based on the number of population in each province and divided into 125,000 people. Due to the new rule, there were some changes in constituency boundaries, especially in the provinces I observed. Songkhla changes from 3 constituencies in 2007 into 8 constituencies in 2011. Phatthalung from 1 constituency into 3 constituencies, Satun from 1 constituency into 2 constituencies and Trang from 2 into 4 constituencies.

The system of party list used in Thailand now is similar with the election system in Indonesia until 2004. At that time, the lesser the number of candidate, the bigger the possibility of his or her to be the member of parliament. Indonesian calls that as “calon jadi”. Yingluck and Abhisit were the candidates number 1 in their respective party, so they would be 99% to be member of parliament.

After the 500 members are elected, they will submit and elect  the next Thailand prime minister. This way is similar with Indonesia until 1999. The members of DPR and MPR sat down together and elected the president of Republic Indonesia. Just since 2004, the president and vice president are elected directly by Indonesian people.

Note: This article is published in The Global Review, too.

Lessons learnt from Thailand’s election - Introduction

Thailand parliamentary election was held on 3^rd July 2011 and was won by Phue Thai Party. The situation on E-Day and post election in Thailand was relative quite and calm. It was good, because it was not like people predicted before. Except in some provinces like 3 Deep South provinces namely Yala, Narathiwat and Pattani.



Posing after the press conference, Bangkok 5th July, 2011
I was wearing the red shirt.



As a NGO that works on election monitoring in Indonesia,  KIPP Indonesia, short of Komite Independen Pemantau Pemilu or Independent Committee for Election Monitoring, also took a part in that observation mission both as LTO and STO.  LTO or Long Term Observer worked for 40 days and STO or Short Term Observer worked for 12 days.

The mission was organized by ANFREL (Asia Network for Free Election). ANFREL deployed 48 international observers and some election experts from countries across Asia.

There are many interesting issues for comparison the election in Thailand and Indonesia. This article doesn’t always reflect the situation in Thailand nationwide, because the limited time and places I observed. I served as LTO and deployed in 4 provinces of southern Thailand, namely Songkhla, Phatthalung, Satun dan Trang.

Note :

The author is International Election Observer in some countries in Asia, incl. Thailand Parliamentary Election, July 2011. In Indonesia, I am Head of Foreign Affairs Department, member of KIPP Indonesia since 1998.  

This article was also published in The Global Review.